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representative government-第69章

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ive body; but that body; though elected solely by rate…payers; may raise its revenues by imposts of such a kind; or assess them in such a manner; as to throw an unjust share of the burden on the poor; the rich; or some particular class of the population: it is the duty; therefore; of the legislature; while leaving the mere amount of the local taxes to the discretion of the local body; to lay down authoritatively the modes of taxation; and rules of assessment; which alone the localities shall be permitted to use。   Again; in the administration of public charity the industry and morality of the whole labouring population depend; to a most serious extent; upon adherence to certain fixed principles in awarding relief。 Though it belongs essentially to the local functionaries to determine who; according to those principles; is entitled to be relieved; the national Parliament is the proper authority to prescribe the principles themselves; and it would neglect a most important part of its duty if it did not; in a matter of such grave national concern; lay down imperative rules; and make effectual provision that those rules should not be departed from。 What power of actual interference with the local administrators it may be necessary to retain; for the due enforcement of the laws; is a question of detail into which it would be useless to enter。 The laws themselves will naturally define the penalties; and fix the mode of their enforcement。 It may be requisite; to meet extreme cases; that the power of the central authority should extend to dissolving the local representative council; or dismissing the local executive: but not to making new appointments; or suspending the local institutions。 Where Parliament has not interfered; neither ought any branch of the executive to interfere with authority; but as an adviser and critic; an enforcer of the laws; and a denouncer to Parliament or the local constituencies of conduct which it deems condemnable; the functions of the executive are of the greatest possible value。   Some may think that however much the central authority surpasses the local in knowledge of the principles of administration; the great object which has been so much insisted on; the social and political education of the citizens; requires that they should be left to manage these matters by their own; however imperfect; lights。 To this it might be answered; that the education of the citizens is not the only thing to be considered; government and administration do not exist for that alone; great as its importance is。 But the objection shows a very imperfect understanding of the function of popular institutions as a means of political instruction。 It is but a poor education that associates ignorance with ignorance; and leaves them; if they care for knowledge; to grope their way to it without help; and to do without it if they do not。 What is wanted is; the means of making ignorance aware of itself; and able to profit by knowledge; accustoming minds which know only routine to act upon; and feel the value of principles: teaching them to compare different modes of action; and learn; by the use of their reason; to distinguish the best。 When we desire to have a good school; we do not eliminate the teacher。 The old remark; 〃as the schoolmaster is; so will be the school;〃 is as true of the indirect schooling of grown people by public business as of the schooling of youth in academies and colleges。 A government which attempts to do everything is aptly compared by M。 Charles de Remusat to a schoolmaster who does all the pupils' tasks for them; he may be very popular with the pupils; but he will teach them little。 A government; on the other hand; which neither does anything itself that can possibly be done by any one else; nor shows any one else how to do anything; is like a school in which there is no schoolmaster; but only pupil teachers who have never themselves been taught。                           Chapter 16        Of Nationality; as connected with Representative Government。

  A PORTION of mankind may be said to constitute a Nationality if they are united among themselves by common sympathies which do not exist between them and any others… which make them co…operate with each other more willingly than with other people; desire to be under the same government; and desire that it should be government by themselves or a portion of themselves exclusively。 This feeling of nationality may have been generated by various causes。 Sometimes it is the effect of identity of race and descent。 Community of language; and community of religion; greatly contribute to it。 Geographical limits are one of its causes。 But the strongest of all is identity of political antecedents; the possession of a national history; and consequent community of recollections; collective pride and humiliation; pleasure and regret; connected with the same incidents in the past。 None of these circumstances; however; are either indispensable; or necessarily sufficient by themselves。 Switzerland has a strong sentiment of nationality; though the cantons are of different races; different languages; and different religions。 Sicily has; throughout history; felt itself quite distinct in nationality from Naples; notwithstanding identity of religion; almost identity of language; and a considerable amount of common historical antecedents。 The Flemish and the Walloon provinces of Belgium; notwithstanding diversity of race and language; have a much greater feeling of common nationality than the former have with Holland; or the latter with France。 Yet in general the national feeling is proportionally weakened by the failure of any of the causes which contribute to it。 Identity of language; literature; and; to some extent; of race and recollections; have maintained the feeling of nationality in considerable strength among the different portions of the German name; though they have at no time been really united under the same government; but the feeling has never reached to making the separate states desire to get rid of their autonomy。 Among Italians an identity far from complete; of language and literature; combined with a geographical position which separates them by a distinct line from other countries; and; perhaps more than everything else; the possession of a common name; which makes them all glory in the past achievements in arts; arms; politics; religious primacy; science; and literature; of any who share the same designation; give rise to an amount of national feeling in the population which; though still imperfect; has been sufficient to produce the great events now passing before us; notwithstanding a great mixture of races; and although they have never; in either ancient or modern history; been under the same government; except while that government extended or was extending itself over the greater part of the known world。   Where the sentiment of nationality exists in any force; there is a prima facie case for uniting all the members of the nationality under the same government; and a government to themselves apart。 This is merely saying that the question of government ought to be decided by the governed。 One hardly knows what any division of the human race should be free to do
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