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second treatise of government-第29章

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dinate and accountable to it; and may be at pleasure changed  and displaced; so that it is not the supreme executive power;  that is exempt from subordination; but the supreme executive  power vested in one; who having a share in the legislative; has  no distinct superior legislative to be subordinate and  accountable to; farther than he himself shall join and consent;  so that he is no more subordinate than he himself shall think  fit; which one may certainly conclude will be but very little。   Of other ministerial and subordinate powers in a commonwealth; we  need not speak; they being so multiplied with infinite variety;  in the different customs and constitutions of distinct  commonwealths; that it is impossible to give a particular account  of them all。  Only thus much; which is necessary to our present  purpose; we may take notice of concerning them; that they have no  manner of authority; any of them; beyond what is by positive  grant and commission delegated to them; and are all of them  accountable to some other power in the common…wealth。      Sec。 153。  It is not necessary; no; nor so much as  convenient; that the legislative should be always in being; but  absolutely necessary that the executive power should; because  there is not always need of new laws to be made; but always need  of execution of the laws that are made。  When the legislative  hath put the execution of the laws; they make; into other hands;  they have a power still to resume it out of those hands; when  they find cause; and to punish for any maladministration against  the laws。  The same holds also in regard of the federative power;  that and the executive being both ministerial and subordinate to  the legislative; which; as has been shewed; in a constituted  common…wealth is the supreme。  The legislative also in this case 

being supposed to consist of several persons; (for if it be a  single person; it cannot but be always in being; and so will; as  supreme; naturally have the supreme executive power; together  with the legislative) may assemble; and exercise their  legislature; at the times that either their original  constitution; or their own adjournment; appoints; or when they  please; if neither of these hath appointed any time; or there be  no other way prescribed to convoke them: for the supreme power  being placed in them by the people; it is always in them; and  they may exercise it when they please; unless by their original  constitution they are limited to certain seasons; or by an act of  their supreme power they have adjourned to a certain time; and  when that time comes; they have a right to assemble and act  again。      Sec。 154。  If the legislative; or any part of it; be made up  of representatives chosen for that time by the people; which  afterwards return into the ordinary state of subjects; and have  no share in the legislature but upon a new choice; this power of  chusing must also be exercised by the people; either at certain  appointed seasons; or else when they are summoned to it; and in  this latter case ' the power of convoking the legislative is  ordinarily placed in the executive; and has one of these two  limitations in respect of time: that either the original  constitution requires their assembling and acting at certain  intervals; and then the executive power does nothing but  ministerially issue directions for their electing and assembling;  according to due forms; or else it is left to his prudence to  call them by new elections; when the occasions or exigencies of  the public require the amendment of old; or making of new laws;  or the redress or prevention of any inconveniencies; that lie on;  or threaten the people。      Sec。 155。  It may be demanded here; What if the executive  power; being possessed of the force of the common…wealth; shall  make use of that force to hinder the meeting and acting of the  legislative; when the original constitution; or the public  exigencies require it?  I say; using force upon the people  without authority; and contrary to the trust put in him that does  so; is a state of war with the people; who have a right to  reinstate their legislative in the exercise of their power: for  having erected a legislative; with an intent they should exercise  the power of making laws; either at certain set times; or when  there is need of it; when they are hindered by any force from  what is so necessary to the society; and wherein the safety and  preservation of the people consists; the people have a right to  remove it by force。  In all states and conditions; the true  remedy of force without authority; is to oppose force to it。  The  use of force without authority; always puts him that uses it into  a state of war; as the aggressor; and renders him liable to be  treated accordingly。      Sec。 156。  The power of assembling and dismissing the  legislative; placed in the executive; gives not the executive a  superiority over it; but is a fiduciary trust placed in him; for  the safety of the people; in a case where the uncertainty and  variableness of human affairs could not bear a steady fixed rule:  for it not being possible; that the first framers of the  government should; by any foresight; be so much masters of future  events; as to be able to prefix so just periods of return and  duration to the assemblies of the legislative; in all times to  come; that might exactly answer all the exigencies of the common… wealth; the best remedy could be found for this defect; was to  trust this to the prudence of one who was always to be present;  and whose business it was to watch over the public good。    Constant frequent meetings of the legislative; and long  continuations of their assemblies; without necessary occasion;  could not but be burdensome to the people; and must necessarily  in time produce more dangerous inconveniencies; and yet the quick 

turn of affairs might be sometimes such as to need their present  help: any delay of their convening might endanger the public; and  sometimes too their business might be so great; that the limited  time of their sitting might be too short for their work; and rob  the public of that benefit which could be had only from their  mature deliberation。  What then could be done in this case to  prevent the community from being exposed some time or other to  eminent hazard; on one side or the other; by fixed intervals and  periods; set to the meeting and acting of the legislative; but to  intrust it to the prudence of some; who being present; and  acquainted with the state of public affairs; might make use of  this prerogative for the public good? and where else could this  be so well placed as in his hands; who was intrusted with the  execution of the laws for the same end?  Thus supposing the  regulation of times for the assembling and sitting of the  legislative; not settled by the original constitution; it  naturally fell into the hands of the executive; not as an  arbitrary power depending on his good pleasure; but with this  trust always to have it exercised only for the public weal; as  the occurrences of times and change of affairs might require。   Whether settled periods of their convening; or a liberty left to  the prince for convoking the legisla
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