representative government-第13章

按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页，按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页，按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部！
————未阅读完？加入书签已便下次继续阅读！


　in　the　form　of　a　temporary　dictatorship。　Free　nations　have；　in　times　of　old；　conferred　such　power　by　their　own　choice；　as　a　necessary　medicine　for　diseases　of　the　body　politic　which　could　not　be　got　rid　of　by　less　violent　means。　But　its　acceptance；　even　for　a　time　strictly　limited；　can　only　be　excused；　if；　like　Solon　or　Pittacus；　the　dictator　employs　the　whole　power　he　assumes　in　removing　the　obstacles　which　debar　the　nation　from　the　enjoyment　of　freedom。　A　good　despotism　is　an　altogether　false　ideal；　which　practically　（except　as　a　means　to　some　temporary　purpose）　becomes　the　most　senseless　and　dangerous　of　chimeras。　Evil　for　evil；　a　good　despotism；　in　a　country　at　all　advanced　in　civilisation；　is　more　noxious　than　a　bad　one；　for　it　is　far　more　relaxing　and　enervating　to　the　thoughts；　feelings；　and　energies　of　the　people。　The　despotism　of　Augustus　prepared　the　Romans　for　Tiberius。　If　the　whole　tone　of　their　character　had　not　first　been　prostrated　by　nearly　two　generations　of　that　mild　slavery；　they　would　probably　have　had　spirit　enough　left　to　rebel　against　the　more　odious　one。

　　There　is　no　difficulty　in　showing　that　the　ideally　best　form　of　government　is　that　in　which　the　sovereignty；　or　supreme　controlling　power　in　the　last　resort；　is　vested　in　the　entire　aggregate　of　the　community；　every　citizen　not　only　having　a　voice　in　the　exercise　of　that　ultimate　sovereignty；　but　being；　at　least　occasionally；　called　on　to　take　an　actual　part　in　the　government；　by　the　personal　discharge　of　some　public　function；　local　or　general。　　　To　test　this　proposition；　it　has　to　be　examined　in　reference　to　the　two　branches　into　which；　as　pointed　out　in　the　last　chapter；　the　inquiry　into　the　goodness　of　a　government　conveniently　divides　itself；　namely；　how　far　it　promotes　the　good　management　of　the　affairs　of　society　by　means　of　the　existing　faculties；　moral；　intellectual；　and　active；　of　its　various　members；　and　what　is　its　effect　in　improving　or　deteriorating　those　faculties。　　　The　ideally　best　form　of　government；　it　is　scarcely　necessary　to　say；　does　not　mean　one　which　is　practicable　or　eligible　in　all　states　of　civilisation；　but　the　one　which；　in　the　circumstances　in　which　it　is　practicable　and　eligible；　is　attended　with　the　greatest　amount　of　beneficial　consequences；　immediate　and　prospective。　A　completely　popular　government　is　the　only　polity　which　can　make　out　any　claim　to　this　character。　It　is　pre…eminent　in　both　the　departments　between　which　the　excellence　of　a　political　constitution　is　divided。　It　is　both　more　favourable　to　present　good　government；　and　promotes　a　better　and　higher　form　of　national　character；　than　any　other　polity　whatsoever。　　　Its　superiority　in　reference　to　present　well…being　rests　upon　two　principles；　of　as　universal　truth　and　applicability　as　any　general　propositions　which　can　be　laid　down　respecting　human　affairs。　The　first　is；　that　the　rights　and　interests　of　every　or　any　person　are　only　secure　from　being　disregarded　when　the　person　interested　is　himself　able；　and　habitually　disposed；　to　stand　up　for　them。　The　second　is；　that　the　general　prosperity　attains　a　greater　height；　and　is　more　widely　diffused；　in　proportion　to　the　amount　and　variety　of　the　personal　energies　enlisted　in　promoting　it。　　　Putting　these　two　propositions　into　a　shape　more　special　to　their　present　application；　human　beings　are　only　secure　from　evil　at　the　hands　of　others　in　proportion　as　they　have　the　power　of　being；　and　are；　self…protecting；　and　they　only　achieve　a　high　degree　of　success　in　their　struggle　with　Nature　in　proportion　as　they　are　self…dependent；　relying　on　what　they　themselves　can　do；　either　separately　or　in　concert；　rather　than　on　what　others　do　for　them。　　　The　former　proposition…　that　each　is　the　only　safe　guardian　of　his　own　rights　and　interests…　is　one　of　those　elementary　maxims　of　prudence；　which　every　person；　capable　of　conducting　his　own　affairs；　implicitly　acts　upon；　wherever　he　himself　is　interested。　Many；　indeed；　have　a　great　dislike　to　it　as　a　political　doctrine；　and　are　fond　of　holding　it　up　to　obloquy；　as　a　doctrine　of　universal　selfishness。　To　which　we　may　answer；　that　whenever　it　ceases　to　be　true　that　mankind；　as　a　rule；　prefer　themselves　to　others；　and　those　nearest　to　them　to　those　more　remote；　from　that　moment　Communism　is　not　only　practicable；　but　the　only　defensible　form　of　society；　and　will；　when　that　time　arrives；　be　assuredly　carried　into　effect。　For　my　own　part；　not　believing　in　universal　selfishness；　I　have　no　difficulty　in　admitting　that　Communism　would　even　now　be　practicable　among　the　elite　of　mankind；　and　may　become　so　among　the　rest。　But　as　this　opinion　is　anything　but　popular　with　those　defenders　of　existing　institutions　who　find　fault　with　the　doctrine　of　the　general　predominance　of　self…interest；　I　am　inclined　to　think　they　do　in　reality　believe　that　most　men　consider　themselves　before　other　people。　It　is　not；　however；　necessary　to　affirm　even　thus　much　in　order　to　support　the　claim　of　all　to　participate　in　the　sovereign　power。　We　need　not　suppose　that　when　power　resides　in　an　exclusive　class；　that　class　will　knowingly　and　deliberately　sacrifice　the　other　classes　to　themselves：　it　suffices　that；　in　the　absence　of　its　natural　defenders；　the　interest　of　the　excluded　is　always　in　danger　of　being　overlooked；　and；　when　looked　at；　is　seen　with　very　different　eyes　from　those　of　the　persons　whom　it　directly　concerns。　　　In　this　country；　for　example；　what　are　called　the　working　classes　may　be　considered　as　excluded　from　all　direct　participation　in　the　government。　I　do　not　believe　that　the　classes　who　do　participate　in　it　have　in　general　any　intention　of　sacrificing　the　working　classes　to　themselves。　They　once　had　that　intention；　witness　the　persevering　attempts　so　long　made　to　keep　down　wages　by　law。　But　in　the　present　day　their　ordinary　disposition　is　the　very　opposite：　they　willingly　make　considerable　sacrifices；　especially　of　their　pecuniary　interest；　for　the　benefit　of　the　working　classes；　and　err　rather　by　too　lavish　and　indiscriminating　beneficence；　nor　do　I　believe　that　any　rulers　in　history　have　been　actuated　by　a　more　sincere　desire　to　do　their　duty　towards　the　poorer　portion　of　their　countrymen。　Yet　does　Parliament；　or　almost　any　of　the　members　composing　it；　ever　for　an　instant　look　at　any　question　with　the　eyes　of　a　working　man？　When　a　subject　arises　in　which　the　labourers　as　such　have　an　interest；　is　it　regarded　from　any　point　of　view　but　that　of　the　employers　of　labour？　I　do　not　say　that　the　working　men's　view　of　these　questions　is　in　general　nearer　to　the　truth　than　the　other：　but　it　is　sometimes　quite　as　near；　and　in　any　case　it　ought　to　be　respectfully　listened　to；　instead　of　being；　as　it　is；　not　merely　turned　away　from；　but　ignored。　On　the　question　of　strikes；　for　instance；　it　is　doubtful　if　there　is　so　much　as　one　among　the　leading　members　of　either　House　who　is　not　firmly　convinced　that　the　reason　of　the　matter　is　unqualifiedly　on　the　side　of　the　masters；　and　that　the　men's　view　of　it　is　simply　absurd。　Those　who　have　studied　the　question　know　well　how　far　this　is　from　being　the　case；　and　in　how　different；　and　how　infinitely　less　superficial　a　manner　the　point　would　have　to　be　argued；　if　the　cla