the miscellaneous writings and speeches-3-第34章

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pute。　　The　policy　which　is　applauded　by　half　the　nation　may　be　condemned　by　the　other　half。　　But　pecuniary　disinterestedness　everybody　comprehends。　　It　is　a　great　thing　for　a　man　who　has　only　three　hundred　a　year　to　be　able　to　show　that　he　considers　three　thousand　a　year　as　mere　dirt　beneath　his　feet；　when　compared　with　the　public　interest　and　the　public　esteem。　　Pitt　had　his　reward。　　No　minister　was　ever　more　rancorously　libelled；　but；　even　when　he　was　known　to　be　overwhelmed　with　debt；　when　millions　were　passing　through　his　hands；　when　the　wealthiest　magnates　of　the　realm　were　soliciting　him　for　marquisates　and　garters；　his　bitterest　enemies　did　not　dare　to　accuse　him　of　touching　unlawful　gain。　At　length　the　hard　fought　fight　ended。　　A　final　remonstrance；　drawn　up　by　Burke　with　admirable　skill；　was　carried　on　the　8th　of　March　by　a　single　vote　in　a　full　House。　　Had　the　experiment　been　repeated；　the　supporters　of　the　coalition　would　probably　have　been　in　a　minority。　　But　the　supplies　had　been　voted；　the　Mutiny　Bill　had　been　passed；　and　the　Parliament　was　dissolved。　The　popular　constituent　bodies　all　over　the　country　were　in　general　enthusiastic　on　the　side　of　the　new　government。　　A　hundred　and　sixty　of　the　supporters　of　the　coalition　lost　their　seats。　　The　First　Lord　of　the　Treasury　himself　came　in　at　the　head　of　the　poll　for　the　University　of　Cambridge。　　His　young　friend；　Wilberforce；　was　elected　knight　of　the　great　shire　of　York；　in　opposition　to　the　whole　influence　of　the　Fitzwilliams；　Cavendishes；　Dundases；　and　Saviles。　　In　the　midst　of　such　triumphs　Pitt　completed　his　twenty…fifth　year。　　He　was　now　the　greatest　subject　that　England　had　seen　during　many　generations。　　He　domineered　absolutely　over　the　cabinet；　and　was　the　favourite　at　once　of　the　Sovereign；　of　the　Parliament；　and　of　the　nation。　　His　father　had　never　been　so　powerful；　nor　Walpole；　nor　Marlborough。　This　narrative　has　now　reached　a　point；　beyond　which　a　full　history　of　the　life　of　Pitt　would　be　a　history　of　England；　or　rather　of　the　whole　civilised　world；　and　for　such　a　history　this　is　not　the　proper　place。　　Here　a　very　slight　sketch　must　suffice；　and　in　that　sketch　prominence　will　be　given　to　such　points　as　may　enable　a　reader　who　is　already　acquainted　with　the　general　course　of　events　to　form　a　just　notion　of　the　character　of　the　man　on　whom　so　much　depended。　If　we　wish　to　arrive　at　a　correct　judgment　of　Pitt's　merits　and　defects；　we　must　never　forget　that　he　belonged　to　a　peculiar　class　of　statesmen；　and　that　he　must　be　tried　by　a　peculiar　standard。　　It　is　not　easy　to　compare　him　fairly　with　such　men　as　Ximenes　and　Sully；　Richelieu　and　Oxenstiern；　John　de　Witt；　and　Warren　Hastings。　　The　means　by　which　those　politicians　governed　great　communities　were　of　quite　a　different　kind　from　those　which　Pitt　was　under　the　necessity　of　employing。　　Some　talents；　which　they　never　had　any　opportunity　of　showing　that　they　possessed；　were　developed　in　him　to　an　extraordinary　degree。　　In　some　qualities；　on　the　other　hand；　to　which　they　owe　a　large　part　of　their　fame；　he　was　decidedly　their　inferior。　　They　transacted　business　in　their　closets；　or　at　boards　where　a　few　confidential　councillors　sate。　　It　was　his　lot　to　be　born　in　an　age　and　in　a　country　in　which　parliamentary　government　was　completely　established。　　His　whole　training　from　infancy　was　such　as　fitted　him　to　bear　a　part　in　parliamentary　government；　and；　from　the　prime　of　his　manhood　to　his　death；　all　the　powers　of　his　vigorous　mind　were　almost　constantly　exerted　in　the　work　of　parliamentary　government。　　He　accordingly　became　the　greatest　master　of　the　whole　art　of　parliamentary　government　that　has　ever　existed；　a　greater　than　Montague　or　Walpole；　a　greater　than　his　father　Chatham；　or　his　rival　Fox；　a　greater　than　either　of　his　illustrious　successors；　Canning　and　Peel。　Parliamentary　government；　like　every　other　contrivance　of　man；　has　its　advantages　and　disadvantages。　　On　the　advantages　there　is　no　need　to　dilate。　　The　history　of　England　during　the　hundred　and　seventy　years　which　have　elapsed　since　the　House　of　Commons　became　the　most　powerful　body　in　the　state；　her　immense　and　still　growing　prosperity；　her　freedom；　her　tranquillity；　her　greatness　in　arts；　in　sciences；　and　in　arms；　her　maritime　ascendency；　the　marvels　of　her　public　credit；　her　American；　her　African；　her　Australian；　her　Asiatic　empires；　sufficiently　prove　the　excellence　of　her　institutions。　　But　those　institutions；　though　excellent；　are　assuredly　not　perfect。　　Parliamentary　government　is　government　by　speaking。　　In　such　a　government；　the　power　of　speaking　is　the　most　highly　prized　of　all　the　qualities　which　a　politician　can　possess：　　and　that　power　may　exist；　in　the　highest　degree；　without　judgment；　without　fortitude；　without　skill　in　reading　the　characters　of　men　or　the　signs　of　the　times；　without　any　knowledge　of　the　principles　of　legislation　or　of　political　economy；　and　without　any　skill　in　diplomacy　or　in　the　administration　of　war。　　Nay；　it　may　well　happen　that　those　very　intellectual　qualities　which　give　a　peculiar　charm　to　the　speeches　of　a　public　man　may　be　incompatible　with　the　qualities　which　would　fit　him　to　meet　a　pressing　emergency　with　promptitude　and　firmness。　　It　was　thus　with　Charles　Townshend。　　It　was　thus　with　Windham。　　It　was　a　privilege　to　listen　to　those　accomplished　and　ingenious　orators。　　But　in　a　perilous　crisis　they　would　have　been　found　far　inferior　in　all　the　qualities　of　rulers　to　such　a　man　as　Oliver　Cromwell；　who　talked　nonsense；　or　as　William　the　Silent；　who　did　not　talk　at　all。　　When　parliamentary　government　is　established；　a　Charles　Townshend　or　a　Windham　will　almost　always　exercise　much　greater　influence　than　such　men　as　the　great　Protector　of　England；　or　as　the　founder　of　the　Batavian　commonwealth。　　In　such　a　government；　parliamentary　talent；　though　quite　distinct　from　the　talents　of　a　good　executive　or　judicial　officer；　will　be　a　chief　qualification　for　executive　and　judicial　office。　　From　the　Book　of　Dignities　a　curious　list　might　be　made　out　of　Chancellors　ignorant　of　the　principles　of　equity；　and　First　Lords　of　the　Admiralty　ignorant　of　the　principles　of　navigation；　of　Colonial　ministers　who　could　not　repeat　the　names　of　the　Colonies；　of　Lords　of　the　Treasury　who　did　not　know　the　difference　between　funded　and　unfunded　debt；　and　of　Secretaries　of　the　India　Board　who　did　not　know　whether　the　Mahrattas　were　Mahometans　or　Hindoos。　　On　these　grounds；　some　persons；　incapable　of　seeing　more　than　one　side　of　a　question；　have　pronounced　parliamentary　government　a　positive　evil；　and　have　maintained　that　the　administration　would　be　greatly　improved　if　the　power；　now　exercised　by　a　large　assembly；　were　transferred　to　a　single　person。　　Men　of　sense　will　probably　think　the　remedy　very　much　worse　than　the　disease；　and　will　be　of　opinion　that　there　would　be　small　gain　in　exchanging　Charles　Townshend　and　Windham　for　the　Prince　of　the　Peace；　or　the　poor　slave　and　dog　Steenie。　Pitt　was　emphatically　the　man　of　parliamentary　government；　the　type　of　his　class；　the　minion；　the　child；　the　spoiled　child；　of　the　House　of　Commons。　　For　the　House　of　Commons　he　had　a　hereditary；　an　infantine　love。　　Through　his　whole　boyhood；　the　House　of　Commo